‘የወያኔ ወንጀለኛ ባለሥልጣናት የእጃቸውን ያገኛሉ!’’

የቀድሞው የወያኔ ከፍተኛ ባለሥልጣን እና የትግራይ አስተዳዳሪ ፤ የአሁኑ አረና የተባለው
ድርጅት መሪ ገብሩ አሥራት ፤ የኢሕአፓ አመራር አባላት የነበሩት እነ ጸጋዬ ገብረመድህን እና
ነባር አባላቱ ከዘሬ 23 ዓመታት በፊት መገደላቸውን ይህንኑንም በቅርቡ በጻፈው መጽሐፉ
መግለጹን ለአሜሪካ ድመጽ ሬዲዮ የአማርኛው ክፍል በሰጠው ቃለ-ምልልስ ገለጸ፡፡
እነዚህ ለሕዝባቸው እና ለሀገራቸው ራሳቸውን አሳልፈው በመስጠት አስከፊውን የደርግ አገዛዝ
ሲታገሉ የነበሩ ብርቅዬ የሕዝብ ልጆች የተገደሉት ፤ በወያኔ ፍርድ መሆኑን ገብሩ አስራት
ገልጿል። የሞት ፈርዱን የወሰኑትም ፤ ሟቹ መለስ ዜናዊ ፤ ስዬ አብርሃ ፤ ተወልደ ወልደ ብርሃን
፤ በረከት ስምኦን ፤ አባይ ጸሐዬ ፤ አለምሰገድ ገብረአምላክ እና ሀየሎም አርአያ መሆናቸው
የታወቀ ሲሆን ፤ እሱ ግን በፍርድ ሂደቱ ላይ እንደሌለበት ተናግሯል፡፡
ይህንኑ ተከትሎ የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝባዊ አብዮታዊ ፓርቲ ጠንከር ያለ መግለጫ ያወጣ ሲሆን ፤
መግለጫው “እነዚህ ወንጀለኞች ለፍርድ ቀርበው የእጃቸውን ማግኘት አለባቸው” ብሏል፡፡
ጸጋዬ ገብረመድህንን ጨምሮ ሌሎች ነባር የኢሕአፓ አባላት በወያኔ እጅ የወደቁት ፤ ወያኔ አዲስ
አበባን ከመቆጣጠሩ በፊት ከሻዕብያ ፣ ከሱዳን እና ከሌሎች ባዕዳን አገሮች ጋር በመተባበር
በኢሕአፓ ሠራዊት ላይ በከፈቱት ከፍተኛ ውጊያ ወቅት መሆኑ የሚታወስ ነው፡፡

ኢሕአፓ

http://www.eprp.com/EthiopiaGazeta/Ethiopia-Newspaper-Tiqmt_Hidar-3gnaAmet-2007.pdf

The Twilight of Non-Violent Change in Ethiopia and the Slippery Ground of TPLF’s Power Strategy

PHOTO ECADF File: Addis Ababa 2005 Ethiopian election, opposition parties rally

The rationale for the TPLF’s current stepping up of repression, obviously triggered by the coming elections, is hard to comprehend. Ranging from constant harassments and severe beatings to torture and long-term imprisonments, the repression particularly targets journalists and young leaders of opposition parties. The fear of losing the elections is usually advanced as the main explanation for the heightened repression. This explanation presupposes that the TFLF is ready to abide by the verdict of the ballot boxes and STEPdown if the majority is against it. Nothing is more remote than the TPLF peacefully handing power over to the opposition subsequent to an electoral defeat.

Let us therefore reformulate the explanation: The TPLF is not so much afraid of electoral defeat, which it has no intention of respecting, as of the implications of elections. It has been said again and again: elections have consequences, even when they are not democratic. In the case of Ethiopia, the possibility of protests and riots cannot be excluded, given the widespread unpopularity of the ruling party. Indeed, if the TPLF refuses to recognize the results of elections or engages in LAST minutes maneuvering to rig the results, it is sure to have, as shown in the 2005 elections, riots in its hands, especially in urban areas.

To squash the uprisings, the TPLF will have to engage in open and bloody confrontations with rioters in urban streets. It is this kind of confrontation that the TPLF WANTS TOavoid at all costs because it exposes its true nature to the world, especially to Western governments whose support is dependent on Western public opinion. Moreover, this kind of open and wide confrontation seriously undermines, in the eyes of Ethiopians themselves, the legitimacy that the regime claims to have. Nothing unmasks more a democratic façade than a regime compelled to hunt down protesters in the streets the day after an election.

Hence the decision to heighten repression in order to escort the coming elections with an atmosphere of fear designed either to force some challenging parties to opt out of the competition or to cripple them enough so that they cease to appear as possible alternatives to the existing ruling elite. In addition to the general purpose of intimidating voters, fear has two functions: it paralyzes competing parties and deprives the country of credible alternatives, thus compelling voters to vote out of desperation. When voting is without alternative, what choice do people have but to renew the existing ruling party? Short of banning parties altogether, one way of maintaining legitimacy for the STATUS quo is by preventing the rise of opposition parties showing some potential through a systematic repression.

ምርጫ 2007ን ለመዝረፍ በሕወሃት/ኢሕአዴግ በከፍተኛ የትምህርት ተቋሞች የተደረጉ ወንጀለኛ ዝግጅቶች – በፓርቲው ውስጣዊ መረጃ ላይ የተመሠረተ ትንታኔ በከፍያለው ገብረመድኅን

በተለይም በአሁኑ ሰዓት ፈተና ላይ የጣለን የምርጫ ጉዳይ እንደምናሸነፍ ቃል የተያዘበት ቢሆንም [ቃለ ጉባዔ/የፓርቲው ሊቀመንበር መመሪያ?]፤ ፈተናዎች የሚፈጠሩት በሕዝብ እና በራሱ ታማኝ ባልሆኑ ሃይሎች ማለትም በመንግሥት ክንፍ አይቀለበስም ብሎ ማሰብ አይቻልም፡፡ በዚህም ቀድሞ መዘጋጀት ያለበት እና ለሁከት እና ለብጥብጥ መሳሪያ ሊሆን የሚችለው የሕዝብ ክንፍ የተማረው ሃይል ሊሆን ስለሚችል ሊታሰብ ይገባል ብለዋል [የፓርቲው ሊቀመንበር?]፡፡”

“[አደራጃጀታችን] ከምንም በላይ የብጥብጥ እና የሁከት መንስኤ የሆነውን ተማሪ በኢሕአዴግ አመራር አባላት እየታገዘ ለመያዝ የሚያስችል ነው፡፡ በምርጫው ሊፈጠር የሚችለውን የዩኒቨርስቲ ተማሪዎች ሁከት እና ብጥብጥ፤ ለማሰቆም በማደራጀት፤ መረጃ በመጥለፍ አመችነቱ የላቀ እንደሚሆን ታምኖበታል፡፡”

– “በመሆኑም ሁለቱም የሰራዊቱ ክንፍች [የሕዝብና መንግሥታዊ/ፓርቲ] በሙሉ በምርጫው ዘሪያ በቂ ግንዚቤ እንዲጨብጡ ማዴረግ፣ ተገቢውን አደረጃጃትና አሰራር ዘርግቶ መላው መካከለኛ አመራር፤ ዝቅተኛ አመራር፤ መምህራን፤ የምርምር አካላት፤ ድጋፍ ሰጭ ሰራተኛና ተማሪዎች ግልጽ ስምሪት መስጠት፣ ተገቢውን ክትትልና ድጋፍ በቀጣይነት በማድረግ እያንዲንዱ የሠራዊት ድጋፍ ክንፍ ወደ ሚፈለግበት የጥንካሬ ደረጃ እየደረሰ መሆኑንና የተቋሙ ዕቅድ በውጤታማነት መፈፀሙን ማረጋገጥ ይጠበቅበታል፡፡”
– “… ሁለም የዩኒቨርስቲ ፕሬዚደንቶች ውጤታቸው የሚሞላላቸው ለምርጫው በሚያዘጋጁት የድጋፍ ኃይል ይወሰናል፡፡”

ምንጭ፡ በትምህርት ሚኒስትሩ ሽፈራው ሽጉጤ አስተባባሪነት የተዘጋጀው:

“የከፍተኛ ትምህርት ተቋማት የኢሕአዴግ የምርጫ ድል ልማት ሠራዊት ግንባታ አድረጃጀት ማንዋል – ለምርጫ 2007”

ማጠቃለያ

ራሱ ሕወሃት/ኢሕአዴግም እንዳመነው፡ በከፍተኛ ፍርሃት እየራደ ያለ ባለአራት-ግንባሮችና ሌሎች አናሳ ቡድኖች ስብስብ ዋናው ሥልጣን በሕወሃት እጅ ሆኖ በኃይልና በከፍተኛ ጭቆና ሃገራችንን የሚያስተዳድር የፖለቲካ ድርጅት ነው። ከባህሪው የድርጅቱ ትልቁ ችግርም፡ ሣር ቅጠሉ ሳይቀር፡ ከዛሬ ነገ ሥልጣን ያሳጡኛል ብሎ በሥጋት የሚኖር በመሆኑ፡ ሣሩ፡ ቅጠሉንና ጎመኑም ጠላቶቹ እየመሰሉት፡ በእስር ቤት የሚያጉራቸው ወገኖቻችንን ብዛት ቤቶቻቸው ይቁጠሯቸው ብሎ ማለፉ፡ በቆጠራ ብቻ ጊዜ ከማባከን ያድናል።
ከላይ የተቀመጡት የፖለቲካ ድርጅቱን አስተሳሰብና ማንነት የሚጠቁሙት ጥቅሶች እንደሚያመለክቱት፡ ሌላው ቀርቶ፡ መከላከያውና የስለላው ዘርፍ ሃገር በሚያስተዳድርበት ሁኔታ እንኳ፡ አገዛዙ “በሕዝብ እና በራሱ ታማኝ ባልሆኑ ሃይሎች ማለትም በመንግሥት ክንፍ አይቀለበስም ብሎ ማሰብ አይቻልም” በማለት ስለመጭው ምርጫ ያለውን ሥጋት ያረጋግጥልናል፡፡

በታሪክ እንደታየው፡ አንዳንድ መሪዎችና መንግሥታትም በውናቸውና በእንቅልፋቸው ጠላት ካልፈጠሩ ሥራቸውን መሥራት እንደሚያስቸግራቸው ሁሉ፡ ዛሬ ሕወሃት/ኢሕአዴግም ክፉኛ እየተረበሽ በመሆኑ፡ ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥና ከኢትዮጵያ ባሻገርም እስትንፋስ ያለው ነገር ሁሉ ‘እያሴረብኝ ነው፤ ጠላቴ ነው’ ብሎ የሚያምንበት ደረጃ ላይ ይገኛል።

ይህ ‘መንግሥታዊ’ መሸበር ምን ያህል ሃገራችንንና ሕዝባችንን ይጎዳ ይሆን? ከዚህ በፊት እንዳደረገው ሁሉ፡ ይህ ሁኔታው የሚያስከትለው የሉዓላዊነት ሽያጭና ምንዘራ ይኖር ይሆን? በምርጫ ታኮ፣ ለብዙዎች ሕይወትስ መቀጠፍ እንደገና ሁኔታውን ያመቻች ይሆን? ቀደም ብለው በፖለቲካ ድርጅቱ የተጀመሩት ዝግጅቶች ይህንኑ በገሃድ የሚያመላክቱ ስለሆኑ፡ ለጥያቄዎቹ የኔም መልሴ የእነዚህ ሁኔታዎች ተፈጻሚነት ዕድሎች ካለመሆን ይልቅ ወደ መሆን ያመዝናሉ የሚል ነው!

እነዚህም ድርጊቶቹ በሕግጋት ጥሰት የተሞሉ በመሆናቸው፡-

(ሀ) የምርጫውን ውጤት ከምርጫው በፊት በመተንበይና ውጤቱም በኃይል አጠቃቀም፡ ለሕወሃት/ኢሕአዴግ እንዲመቻች መደረጉን በመረጃነት በመያዝ፤

(ለ) የሀገሪቱን ዜጎች (ወጣቶች፡ ተማሪዎች፡ ምሁራን፡ አብዛኛውን ሕዝብና ቢሮክራሲውን ወዘተ) በመለየት ለጥቃት እያዘጋጀ ሕዝቡንም ወደ እርስ በእርስ ግጭት እየገፋፋ በመሆኑ፤

(ሐ) ከአመራር በማይጠበቅ የማጭበርበርና ሌሎችም ሕገወጥ ተግባሮች፡ ለምሳሌ የሕዝብን የግብር ክፍያ ለራሱ የፖለቲካ ጥቅም የማዋል ወንጀሎች መፈጸሙን በማስመልከት ዜጎች መረጃውን ለሕዝብ እንዲጋለጥ ማድረጋቸው ይታወሳል። ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ኃይለማርያምም ይህንን ሕገወጥ ድርጊት ሕጋዊ ነው በማለት ባለፈው ጥቅምት፡ ፓርላማ ውስጥ አቋማቸውን ማሳወቃቸው ይታወሳል!

(መ) ወጣት ተማሪዎቻችን በሥነ ሥርዓት ትምህርታቸውን በመከታተል ዕውቀት ቀስመው ሃገራቸውን ወደፊት ለማስገስገስ እንዳይችሉ፡ ትምህርት ቤቶችን ለስለላና ለርዕዮተ ዓለም ማስፋፊያ በመጠቀሙ፣ በቤተስብና በትምህርት ቤቶች ዙሪያ የምሥራቅ ጀርመን የስለላ ድርጅት ስታዚ በተጠቀመበት አንድ ለአምስት የስለላ አሠራር ቤተስቦችንና ሠራተኞችን በየፊናቸው አቆላልፎ (“The Stasi Octopus”) የግለስቦችን ነጻነትና ደህንነት በማናጋቱ፡ ለሰብዓዊ ክብር መዋረድና ለትምህርት ጥራት ጉድለት ሕወሃት/ኢሕአዴግ ተጠያቂ ሊደረግ ይገባል።

የወቅቱ አሳሳቢ ሥዕል

ካለፉት ጥቂት ወራት ወዲህ በርከት ያሉ ጸረ-ወጣቶች፣ ጸረ-ተማሪዎችና ጸረ-ምሁራን፣ የትምህርት ጥራትን አዳፋኝ የሆኑ፡ ኢትዮጵያ የሚያስፈልጋትን ብቁ የሰው ኃይል እንዳታፈራ የዘለቄታ መንገዷን የሚያደናቅፉ ድርጊቶችና በአመራር አካላት የተዘጋጁ ጽሁፎች – አንዳንዴም እንደ ሕወሃት/ኢሕአዴግ ጥናቶች ሌላ ጊዜ ደግሞ መመሪያዎች እየተባሉ – ገዥው ፓርቲ በቀጥታና በሚስጢር ለአባሎቹ ሲያሠራጭ ከርሟል። ይዘቶቻቸውም ሆነ ተጽዕኖዋቸው (impact) ምን እንደሆነ ለመረዳት ኮሜት ላይ ሮኬት ለማሳረፍ የሚያስችል ዕውቀት አይጠይቅም።

በተጨማሪም አንዳንድ ምንጮች (የዓለም አቀፍ ድርጅቶች መረጃዎችን ጨምሮ)፣ ኢትዮጵያውያን ባለሙያዎች የሚካሄዷቸው ጥናቶችና በዚህ ረገድ የውጭ ኤምባሲዎች የሚያስተላልፏቸው መረጃዎች በአንዳንድ አነስ ያሉ ትምህርት ነክ የሆኑ የፖሊሲ ስብሰባዎች አሜሪካና አውሮፓ ውስጥ አልፎ አልፎ ቀርበው፡ ለግንዛቤዎች ሠፊ አስተዋጽኦ አበርክተዋል። እንዲሁም በየወቅቱና በየደረጃው በመነሻነት ወቅታዊ መረጃዎችንና የአገዛዙን አስተሳሰብ ስለሚያመላክቱ አሠራሮችና እርምጃዎችና ብዙ ጉዳዮች በኢሳት አማካይነትም ተደምጠዋል።

አሁን በያዝነው ወር “የከፍተኛ ትምህርት ተቋማት የኢሕአዴግ የምርጫ ድል ልማት ሠራዊት ግንባታ አድረጃጀት ማንዋል – ለምርጫ 2007” የተሰኘ ጽሁፍ ቀርቧል – እነርሱ ማንዋል ይሉታል። ‘ማንዋሉ’ በተማሪዎች ሥልጠና ወቅት እንደተፈለገው አልደረሰም። በተደጋጋሚ ታሽቶና ተፈትጎ ቢቀርብም፡ አሁንም ይዘቱ በቀረበበት መልኩ ጥቅም ላይ ሊውል የማይችል በባዶ የካድሬ ቃላት ክምችት የተሞላ ስካር፡ ዓላማው ግን ምርጫውን እንዴት ሕወሃት/ኢሕአዴግ አሸናፊ እንዲሆን ማስቻል በመሆኑ፡ እንደገና እንዲፈተግና ካልጸዳ ሽንፍላነቱ እንዲላቀቅ በሌሎች እንዲሻሻል ተደርጎ እንደገና ጥቅምት 2007 ቢቀርብም፡ ለአባላት እንኳ እንዲበተን ፈቃድ ያገኘው ከብዙ ማመንታት በኋላ ኅዳር 2007 ነው።

ያንን የተዘጋጀውን ‘ማንዋል’ ለማንበብ ዕድል በማግኘቴ እንደ አንድ ምሁር፡ በግልጽነት ልለው የምችለውና ካሰመርኩባቸው ጉዳዮች ይዘቶቹ መካከል ለተማሪዎችና ምሁራን ያዘለው ሊገነፍል የደረሰ ጥላቻና ቂም በቀል ግንባር ቀደም ሆነው ታይተውኛል። ከሁሉም የከፋ – ከምርጫ ማጭበርበር ባሻገር – በምርጫው ሰሞን ስለሚሚቀጠቀጡት፡ በአፈሳ ስለሚታሠሩት ወይንም ሊገደሉ ስለሚችሉ ወጣቶች ሚኒስትሩና ግብረ አበሮቻቸው ከወዲሁ ተጠያቂ ሊደረጉበት የሚገባ፡ አፈናና ግድያ እንዲካሄድ መመሪያ የሚሠጥ ሠነድ ሆኖ አግኝቼዋለሁ።
ምንም እንኳ ሃገራችን በዘመነ ሕወሃት/ኢሕአዴግ 31 ያህል ዩኒቨርሲቲዎች እንዲኖራት ቢደረግም፡ ብዛት የጥራት መለኪያ ሊሆን ስለማይችል፥ በ2014 እና በ2013 ጽሁፎቼ፡ እነዚህ የከፍተኛ ትምህርቶች ተቋሞች ከዕውቀት ምንጭነት ይልቅ፡ ለሕወሃት የፕሮፓጋንዳ ማጥመጃ መረቦች መሆናቸውን ከማውቀውና ከሥጋቴ በመነሳት ችግሩን አስመልከቶ ሃሣቤን ለማካፈል ሞክሬያለሁ (http://ethiopiaobservatory.com/2014/08/20/2014-performance-ranking-of-ethiopias-31-universities-an-old-nation-being-reduced-to-beginner/ እና http://ethiopiaobservatory.com/2014/01/11/2013-performance-ranking-of-ethiopian-universities-in-both-african-and-global-metrics/)። ከትምህርቴና ከተለያዩ የሥራ መስኮች ከተቀስሙ ልምዶችና ግንዛቤዎች በመነሳት፡ በእነዚህ ጽሁፎችና በተያያዙ በሌሎችም አማክይነት (ለምሳሌም ያህል፡ Improving Education Quality, Equity and ACCESS in Ethiopia፤ Education under persistent attack in Ethiopia፤ በቅርቡ ደግሞ What a time, when education is openly made instrument for rights violation with TPLF requiring ‘certificate’ of support for its policies for entry to college ወዘተ) ለማሰማት የሞከርኩት ነገር ቢኖር፡ የሃገራችን ዩኒቨርሲቲዎችና የተማረ የሰው ኃይል ምርቶቻቸው በአሁኑ አያያዛቸው፡ ከዓለም አቀፍ ዩኒቨርሲቲዎችና ኮሌጆች ይቅርና፤ ኋላቀር ነው በሚባለው ሠሃራዊው አፍሪካ ውስጥ ከሚገኙ ዩኒቨርስቲዎችና ኮሌጅች ጋር እንኳ ሃገራችን ተወዳዳሪ መሆን እንደተሳናት ነው።

ሁኔታዎች እንደሚያመላክቱትም ከሆነ፡ ችግሩ ከፖለቲካዊና ከአመራር ድንቁርናና ድህነት የመነጨ በመሆኑ፡ ለወደፊት እየተባባስ እንደሚሄድ ነው የሚተነበየው። ስለሆነም ለተረከበው ሃላፊነቱ ተጠያቂ የሚሆን መንግሥት እስኪመጣ ድረስ፡ ችግሩ ‘በነፕሮፌሰሮች’ ኃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ፡ ሽፈራው ሽጉጤ፡ በረከት ስምኦን፡ አባይ ፀሐዬ፡ ቴድሮስ አድሃኖም ወዘተ፡ የግልና የቡድን ሥልጣን ጥማት በተሳከሩና በጥቅም አሠራር በተመሠረተ አካሄድና አያያዛቸው የሚቀረፍ አይደለም።

በተለይም፡ ዩኒቨርስቲን የሚያህል ነገር፡ ያውም የዩኒቨርሲቲዎቹ ሴኔቶች በሕግ የተሰጣቸውን ሥልጣን በመጠቀም እርምጃ ሊወስዱ ሲገባ፡ (የሌላቸው ዩኒቨርሲቲዎቹም እንዲኖራችው በማድረግ) እንደ ትምህርት ሚኒስቴር ባለ ኋላቀር መሥሪያ ቤት ሥር ለተራ ጉዳዮች እንኳ አራት ኪሎ ማንኳኳትና ደጅ ጥናት የሚያስፈልግበት አስገዳጅ ሁኔታ – ተደርጎ በማይታወቅ አሠራር – በተለይም ስለ አስተዳደሩ፣ ሥራ ካሌንደሩና ካሪኩለሙ ምንም ዐይነት ስሜት፣ ብቃትና ግንዛቤ በሌለው/በሌላቸው ግለሰቦች እንዲመራ መደረጉ አንዱ የችግሩ ምንጭ ነው።፡

መለስ ብለን እንኳ ስንመለከት፡ የአማራ ብሄረስብን አባሎች ሃገራቸው ውስጥ በፈቀዱት አካባቢ የመኖር ሕጋዊ መብት የሌላቸው ዜጎች በማስመሰል በፊርማው ከጉራ ፈርዳ ባባረረ ግለስብ መዳፍ ሥር የሃገሪቱ የትምህርት ፖሊሲ አተገባበርና አፈጻጸም ከመውደቁ በላይ ለዕውቀት ውርደትና ለሃገራችንም ዘለቄታ ከዚህ የከፋ ነገር የለም።

በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ፣ ለማስታወስ ያህል፡ ባለፈው ነሐሴ እንደተነገረው፡ ዩኒቨርሲቲዎች ለፓርቲው ፖለቲካዊና ርዕዮተ ዓለማዊ ተገዥ ያልሆኑትን ተማሪዎች ተቀብለው አንዳያሰተምሩ መከልከሉ፡ ትምህርት ለመስጠትም በራቸውን የሚከፍቱበትን ቀን ሳይቀር ገዥው ፓርቲና ትምህርት ሚኒስቴር የሚወስኑበት ሁኔታ መፈጠሩ፡ የዩኒቨርስቲዎቻችን ራስ ገዝነት ደብዛ ማጥፋትና የሚስጡት ትምህርት መሪዎቹ ራሳቸው በቅጡ ባልሰነቁት ርዕዮተ ዓለም መጨመላለቁ፣ ምን ያህል የትምህርትን ምንነንት ያጎድፈና ዕውቀትን የሚጻረር ድርጊት መሆኑ ሊሠመርበት ይገባል።

በአጠቃላይ፡ በተለይም ከሐምሌ 2014 ጀምሮ በከፍተኛ የትምህርት ተቋሞች ሲካሄድ የነበረው እጅግ ተቃውሞ የበዛበት፣ ሕዝብ የተፋውን የገዥውን ፓርቲ ፖለቲካና ርዕዮተ ዓለማዊ አመለካከትና የታሪክ ጥገና በስነጋ ለመጋትና መድረኩም በአብዛኛው ጸረ-ኢትዮጵያ ታሪክና ጸረ-ኢትዮጵያዊነት እንዲሆን በተደጋጋሚ የተደረጉ ጥረቶችን ቀለማቸውን ባልለወጡ የኢትዮጵያ ልጆች በሃገራችን ላይ ስለተቃጣው ደባ ምንነትና ጥልቀት ለወጣቶቻችንና ለኢትዮጵያ ሆኖ ጥሩ ግንዛቤ የሚፈጥር መልካም አጋጣሚ ሆኖላቸዋል።

The History Of EPRP

The EPRP: The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party (Yethiopia Hizbawi Abyotawi Party in Amharic and "Ihapa" in abbreviation) . Established in April 1972 (founding congress was held from April 2-April 9) as the first modern political party in the country. Its first political program called for the overthrow of the monarchy, the removal of the feudal system and the SETTINGof a popular democratic republic. The party was forced into clandestinity because the monarchy, headed by Emperor Haile Sellasie, did not allow political parties or legal dissent.

The EPRP was born out of the radical struggle waged by students and intellectuals, workers and peasants against the feudal system and as such was a progressive and radical organization. When the February 1974 popular revolution erupted in Ethiopia , the EPRP was not yet strong enough to assume the leadership of the upsurge. Yet, it was in the forefront of the revolutionary struggle and its militants and publications (specially its organ DEMOCRACIA) played a key role in deepening the struggle and raising the consciousness of the people. When the military committee known as the DERG took over power, the EPRP opposed this usurpation of power and called for the immediate formation of a representative and ALL INCLUSIVEPROVISIONAL POPULAR GOVERNMENT which would pave the way for the formation of an elected popular government.

In August 1975, the party openly declared its existence by clandestinely distributing its political program all over the country. Copies of the program were distributed in Amharic, Tigrigna, Oromiffa, English and French. It was subsequently TRANSLATED into other local and foreign languages. The declaration of the party, an event hailed by the people at the time, was preceded by a secret party conference in Addis Abeba during which the organization finished the preparation for the declaration, amended its program, elected new members to the central committee, etc....

The EPRP took the mantle of the main opposition force to the military government whose power was progressively concentrated in the hands of a minority clique led by then Major Mengistu Haile Mariam. The EPRP called for an end to the rule by the military, for the unrestricted respect of democratic rights, for the formation of a representative government, for the cessation of the repression of dissent. The DERG outlawed the EPRP and GATHERED around itself groups which supported its rule. It also moved with force against unions and associations, broke up labour unions, rounded up civic leaders and carried out an all round repression against any form of dissent. Peaceful demonstrators were shot at, dissenters jailed and tortured, others hounded into exile. The EPRP struggled with the people to prevent the DERG from consolidating its power.

The military government declared open war against the EPRP in 1976 and the party resolved to resort to self defense acts in the urban areas. In the rural areas, at the time in Tigrai and Gondar regions, the guerrilla force of the party, known as the EPRA (Ethiopian People's revolutionary Army), was becoming ACTIVE. The spiraling violence in the urban areas also led to the declaration of the infamous RED TERROR campaign by the military regime against the EPRP. ( For vivid details of the Red Terror campaign read: TO KILL A GENERATION, The RED TERROR IN ETHIOPIA, by Babile Tola. Copies can be ordered from ESPIC, 202-986-2851). The bloody campaign caused the deaths of some 250,000 Ethiopians and was wound up only in 1978. The urban armed defense was pursued to an extent and dimension which harmed the party by forcing it to WORK in circumstances of unfavorable balance of forces.

Ethiopia Court Requests Detailed Terror Charges Against Bloggers

An Ethiopian court asked prosecutors to amend charges so they specify the acts of terrorism that 10 bloggers and journalists are alleged to have been plotting, a defense lawyer said.
The order was made Wednesday at the Federal High Court in the capital, Addis Ababa, where nine out of the 10 accused are STANDING trial for collaborating with a U.S.-based opposition group, Ginbot 7, which is classified as a terrorist organization by Ethiopia’s government.

The charges “simply say these suspects organized themselves and designed terrorism without mentioning what kind of terrorism did they plot as defined under Article 3” of a 2009 anti-terrorism law, Ameha Mekonnen, the defense lawyer, said Wednesday in an interview in Addis Ababa.

Ethiopia is the second-worst jailer of journalists in Africa after Eritrea, its neighbor, according to the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists. The U.S. has said previous convictions contravene freedom of speech rights protected by the constitution. Former newspaper editor Temesgen Desalegn received a 3-year sentence LAST month for publishing articles deemed to incite ethnic strife and the public to overthrow the government.

The court asked prosecutors to elaborate on the “clandestine” acts and the roles of each of the Zone 9 group BLOGGERS and journalists in plots, Communications Minister Redwan Hussien said by phone today. “They ordered the prosecutor to come up with the clarification,” he said.

Judges on Wednesday rejected a second charge under the 2004 Criminal CODE of inciting public revolt because it was covered by the first, Ameha said. The next hearing is on Dec. 3, he said.

Ze-Habesha

Opposition member faces 'terrorism' charges

November 10, 2014

Shishai Azanaw

Mekelle, Northern Ethiopia-Police and security forces on Noveber 5 jailed opposition figure shishai Azanaw, a source told Ethioedia by phone on sunday.

A current member of Andenet opposition party, Shishai was previously a founding and Central Committee member of the Mekelle-based Arena opposition party


Shishai has appeared in a Mekelle court, and was charged with 'terrorism,' the usual excuse that the ruling party uses to eliminate young and influential individuals from the political turf and ahead of elections, Asgede Gebreselassie, a noted opponent of the regime said by phone from Mekelle.
An engineer working for the national Petroleum Enterprise, Shishai was  closing in on a Masters degree program as a software engineer before he was picked up by security forces, who also searched his house and confiscated his property.

The fearless Shishai endured months of threats and harassment by none other than the undercover agents of TPLF, a political organization whose key men were the closest confidantes of the late Meles Zenawi, an ultra Eritrean nationalist mercenary who died in 2012.



Shishai has appeared in a Mekelle court, and was charged with 'terrorism,' the usual excuse that the ruling party uses to eliminate young and influential individuals from the political turf and ahead of elections, Asgede Gebreselassie, a noted opponent of the regime said by phone from Mekelle.
An engineer working for the national Petroleum Enterprise, Shishai was closing in on a Masters degree program as a software engineer before he was picked up by security forces, who also searched his house and confiscated his property.
The fearless Shishai endured months of threats and harassment by none other than the undercover agents of TPLF, a political organization whose key men were the closest confidantes of the late Meles Zenawi, an ultra Eritrean nationalist mercenary who
Shishai is the second most prominent figure arrested following Abraha Desta, a Mekelle University political science instructor widely known as a government critic via his FaceBook page. Abraha was charged with 'terrorism', a term that doesn't give any meaning to the Ethiopian people but the despotic elements in power.

The ruling party, in power since 1991, cracks down on dissenting voices in the run-up to elections, and the defendants are slapped with long-term prison sentences under the country's notorious "Anti-Terrorism Law."

Source: Ethiomedia 

Ethiopia 2014: I Always Remember in November and in...

In 2005, Ethiopians faced unspeakable horrors following the parliamentary election in May of the year hundreds of Ethiopian citizens who protested the daylight theft of that election were massacred or seriously shot and wounded by police and security personnel under the exclusive command and control of the late regie leader Meles Zenawi, An official Inquiry commission established by Zenawi documented that 193 unarmed men, woen and children deonstrating in the streets and scores of other detainees held in a high security person were intentionally shot and killed by police and security officials. An additional 763 were wounded**

Every November since 2007, I have written consecratory (sanctifying) memorials in remembrance of the hundreds of innocent victims of the Meles Massacres. In my first memorial tribute in 2007,“Remember, the Ethiopian Martyrs of June and November, 2005 Forever!”, I reminded my readers that it was our moral duty “to bear witness for the dead and the living” in Ethiopia, to borrow a phrase from Elie Wiesel, the Holocaust survivor.
We must remember the victims of the Meles Massacres because, as Elie Wiesel said, we have “no right to deprive future generations of a past that belongs to our collective memory. To forget would be not only dangerous but offensive; to forget the dead would be akin to killing them a second time.”
I must confess that November is the cruelest month for me. If I could, I would skip straight from October to December. If I had the power, I would outlaw November. If there were no November, I would not have to remember. Mark Twain said, “If you tell the truth, you don't have to remember anything.” He was wrong. If you tell the truth you remember everything, especially the lies, the cries, the crimes and the massacres.
It is important for me to remember and to tell the truth about the crimes against humanity committed by the late Meles Zenawi and his criminal enterprise known as the Tigrean Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF). When Meles Zenawi ordered the massacre of hundreds of unarmed protesters in June and November 2005, he wanted to send a clear and unmistakable message to the Ethiopian people that he is so ruthless that he will kill, slash and burn on an industrial scale to keep himself and his TPLF in power forever. Meles Zenawi was an astute student of Reichsführer Heinrich Himmler: “The best political weapon is the weapon of terror. Cruelty commands respect. Men may hate us. But, we don't ask for their love; only for their fear.”

The Evil

Meles and his TPLF gang have always used the weapon of terror from their days in the bush; and today they practice terror using their so-called anti-terrorism law. Meles sought to command respect by committing acts of unspeakable cruelty and depravity. He did not get respect; he got the contempt and derision of the overwhelming segment of the Ethiopian population. Meles and his gang always wanted to be feared. They are not feared; they are loathed and despised by the Ethiopian people. That is just the naked truth!
When Meles massacred the hundreds of unarmed protesters in 2005, he had no idea that he had transformed a detached and disengaged Ethiopian academic and lawyer some nine thousand miles from Addis Ababa, who had not been to Ethiopia in over three decades, to become his most implacable and unappeasable adversary and relentless critic. The Meles Massacres turned out to be defining moments in my life. I realized that even though I had permanently moved out of Ethiopia, Ethiopia had not permanently moved out of me. It has been said that in desperate times we either define the moment or the moment defines us. In my case, it was both.
I did not choose to be a human rights advocate; Meles Zenawi chose me when he ordered the massacre of those unarmed Ethiopians. I never chose to become a witness for the victims of the Meles Massacres; the victims of the Meles Massacre chose me to be their witness. That is why I have testified on their behalf before the court of world opinion every single Monday, without missing a single week, for eight years.
Before 2005, the late Meles Zenawi was just a miserable scalawag African dictator who did not even deserve my dismissive contempt; after he ordered the 2005 massacre, he became the apotheoses of evil, the Biblical Beast, in my mind. I must fight evil because evil never dies. I must fight evil above all because I have no doubts whatsoever in the final victory of good over evil.
That’s why every November, I must remember. I must remember the evil of November, December, September, October....
I must remember the evil Meles Zenawi and his TPLF gang have done in Ethiopia. I must remember what they have done to dismember Ethiopia. I must remember how they continue to divide the people just to cling to power. I must remember the billions they have stolen and stashed in off shore bank accounts while the people starve and languish in poverty.
I must remember the living victims of Meles Zenawi and the TPLF. I remember my brother Eskinder Nega, the internationally-celebrated Ethiopian journalist, languishing in solitary confinement at the Meles Zenawi Prison a few kilometers outside the capital. I remember my young sister Reeyot Alemu, jailed by Meles Zenawi because she dared to ask questions about his white elephant projects. I remember my brothers Andualem Aragie, Bekele Gerba, Abubaker Ahmed, Woubshet Taye, the young Zone Nine bloggers, Temesgen Desalegn and so many others.

By Alemayehu G Mariam 
source :Ethioedia